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Millennials are contributing to the declining divorce rate in U.S.

With a rapid economic achievement, education and socio-economic status of Korean women has also considerably improved. 40.0% of total women held bachelor’s degrees in 2015, which was only 1.6% in 1970. College entrance rate of women was estimated at 32.4% in 1990 but increased to 73.5% in 2017, even higher than men (66.3%). As more women are educated and employed conflicting with traditional gender role and values, one of strategies to deal with housework or childcare is outsourcing. According to the Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs (2015), 25% of married couples with children received help from their parents for housework or childcare, and it increased to 53% for dual earning couples. Choi (2016) explains that married couples depend on their parents and babysitters for young children, while they depend on nursery and kindergarten as children get older. Then how much does outsourcing reduce a demand for housework and childcare? Will it change the contribution to domestic work between couple? Despite the prevalence of domestic outsourcing in Korea, none of previous studies have investigated its relationship with couple’s time worked at home. In this paper, we examine how paid or unpaid helper is associated with time spent on housework or childcare by wife and husband respectively, using panel data for nine years with individual fixed effects. We also examine how the outsourcing is associated with husband’s relative contribution to domestic work compared to wife, by types of housework.

Although the decline in marriage has been cited as a possible contributor to the “despair” afflicting marginalized White communities, these studies have not directly considered mortality by marital status. This paper uses complete death certificate data from the Mortality Multiple Cause Files with American Community Survey data to examine age-specific mortality rates for married and non-married people from 2007 to 2017. The overall rise in White mortality is limited almost exclusively to those who are not married, for men and women. By comparison, mortality for Blacks and Hispanics has fallen or remained flat regardless of marital status (except for young, single Hispanic men). Analysis by education level shows death rates have risen most for Whites with the lowest education, but have also increased for those with high school or some college. Because mortality has risen faster for unmarried Whites at all but the lowest education levels, there has been an increase in the marriage mortality ratio. Mortality differentials are an increasingly important component of the social hierarchy associated with marital status.

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This article analyzes U.S. divorce trends over the past decade and considers their implications for future divorce rates. Modeling women’s odds of divorce from 2008 to 2017 using marital events data from the American Community Survey, I find falling divorce rates with or without adjustment for demographic covariates. Age-specific divorce rates show that the trend is driven by younger women, which is consistent with longer term trends showing uniquely high divorce rates among people born in the Baby Boom period. Finally, I analyze the characteristics of newly married women and estimate the trend in their likelihood of divorcing based on the divorce models. The results show falling divorce risks for more recent marriages. The accumulated evidence thus points toward continued decline in divorce rates. The United States is progressing toward a system in which marriage is rarer and more stable than it was in the past.

Dropping divorce rate among women age under 45 in Michigan may indicate later but stabler marriage