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Black sexual and gender minorities (SGM) are at greater risk for HIV compared to their White, cisgender, heterosexual counterparts. Linkage to culturally sensitive health care is, therefore, pivotal for HIV prevention and treatment of Black SGM. Unfortunately, social and structural challenges undermine Black SGM individuals' abilities to obtain adequate health care services, indicating a need to understand Black SGM perceptions of health care. To address this gap, we interviewed Black men who have sex with men and transwomen about their experiences with health care providers. Participants discussed needs and concerns, including provider SGM identity diversity and education; assumptions, judgment, stigma, and discrimination; and ability to establish a personal bond, trust, and familiarity. Black SGM indicated that providers often did not meet their needs in different ways regarding their SGM identities. Findings suggest a need for provider cultural sensitivity education programs that address the needs of Black SGM in health care.

Background:  The  HIV  epidemic continues to grow among  MSM  in countries across sub-Saharan Africa including  Nigeria . To inform prevention efforts, we used a  phylogenetic cluster  method to characterize  HIV  genetic clusters and factors associated with cluster formation among  MSM  living with  HIV  in  Nigeria . Methods:  We analyzed  HIV -1 pol sequences from 417  MSM  living with  HIV  enrolled in the TRUST/RV368 cohort between 2013 and 2017 in Abuja and Lagos,  Nigeria . A genetically linked cluster was defined among participants whose sequences had pairwise genetic distance of 1.5% or less. Binary and multinomial logistic regressions were used to estimate adjusted odds ratios (AORs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for factors associated with  HIV  genetic cluster membership and size. Results:  Among 417  MSM  living with  HIV , 153 (36.7%) were genetically linked. Participants with higher viral load (AOR = 1.72 95% CI: 1.04–2.86), no female partners (AOR = 3.66; 95% CI: 1.97–6.08), and self-identified as male sex (compared with self-identified as bigender) (AOR = 3.42; 95% CI: 1.08–10.78) had higher odds of being in a genetic cluster. Compared with unlinked participants,  MSM  who had high school education (AOR = 23.84; 95% CI: 2.66–213.49), were employed (AOR = 3.41; 95% CI: 1.89–10.70), had bacterial sexually transmitted infections (AOR = 3.98; 95% CI: 0.89–17.22) and were not taking antiretroviral therapy (AOR = 6.61; 95% CI: 2.25–19.37) had higher odds of being in a large cluster (size > 4). Conclusion:  Comprehensive  HIV  prevention packages should include behavioral and biological components, including early diagnosis and treatment of both  HIV  and bacterial sexually transmitted infections to optimally reduce the risk of  HIV  transmission and acquisition.

This study investigates the relationship between maternal employment and state-to-state differences in childcare cost and mean school day length. Pairing state-level measures with an individual-level sample of prime working-age mothers from the American Time Use Survey (2005–2014; n = 37,993), we assess the multilevel and time-varying effects of childcare  costs  and  school  day  length  on  maternal  full-time  and  part-time  employment  and  childcare  time.  We  find  mothers’ odds of full-time employment are lower and part-time employment higher in states with expensive childcare and shorter school days. Mothers spend more time caring for children in states where childcare is more expensive and as childcare costs increase. Our results suggest that expensive childcare and short school days are important barriers to maternal employment and, for childcare costs, result in greater investments in childcare time. Politicians engaged in national debates about federal childcare policies should look to existing state childcare structures for policy guidance. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023119860277

The quantitative scholarship on domestic labor has documented the existence of a gender gap in its performance in all countries for which data are available. Only recently have researchers begun to analyze economic disparities  among  women in their time spent doing housework, and their studies have been largely limited to the U.S. We extend this line of inquiry using data from two European countries, the former West Germany and Sweden. We estimate the “economic gap” in women’s housework time, which we define as the difference between the time spent by women at the lowest and highest deciles of their own earnings. We expect this gap to be smaller in Sweden given its celebrated success at reducing both gender and income inequality. Though Swedish women do spend less time on domestic labor, however, and though there is indeed less earnings inequality among them, the economic gap in their housework is only a little smaller than among women in the former West Germany. In both places, a significant negative association between women’s individual earnings and their housework time translates into economic gaps of more than 2.5 hours per week. Moreover, in both countries, women at the highest earnings decile experience a gender gap in housework that is smaller by about 4 hours per week compared to their counterparts at the lowest decile.

The authors used the 2003 to 2012 American Time Use Survey to examine marital status variation in mothers' leisure time. They found that never‐married mothers have more total leisure but less high‐quality leisure when compared with married mothers. Never‐married mothers' leisure is concentrated in passive and socially isolated activities that offer fewer social and health benefits. Black single mothers have the highest amount of socially isolated leisure, particularly watching television alone. Results suggest that differences in the context and type of leisure are salient dimensions of the divergent and stratified life conditions of married, divorced, and single mothers.

Assumptions that single mothers are “time poor” compared with married mothers are ubiquitous. We tested theorized associations derived from the time poverty thesis and the gender perspective using the 2003–2012 American Time Use Surveys (ATUS). We found marital status differentiated housework, leisure, and sleep time, but did not influence the amount of time that mothers provided childcare. Net of the number of employment hours, married mothers did more housework and slept less than never-married and divorced mothers, counter to expectations of the time poverty thesis. Never-married and cohabiting mothers reported more total and more sedentary leisure time than married mothers. We assessed the influence of demographic differences among mothers to account for variation in their time use by marital status. Compositional differences explained more than two-thirds of the variance in sedentary leisure time between married and never-married mothers, but only one-third of the variance between married and cohabiting mothers. The larger unexplained gap in leisure quality between cohabiting and married mothers is consistent with the gender perspective.

We examined the prospective role of parental support and adult identity profiles in the transition to adulthood on teen mothers’ socioeconomic outcomes in adulthood. Analyses were based on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, a nationally representative sample of youth followed over a decade. We used data from Waves 1, 3, and 4 (mean age = 28.6, Wave 4). Analytical sample consisted of 981 females who gave birth before age 20. Analysis included design-based regression models. Findings from adjusted regression models showed no statistically significant associations between teen mothers’ parental support and socioeconomic outcomes. While teen mothers have already achieved an important marker of adulthood, variability in adult identity profiles was observed. Teen mothers with older subjective age, regardless of their levels of psychosocial maturation, had higher socioeconomic attainment on some indicators. Findings suggest that teen mothers’ adult identity profiles differentiate their socioeconomic trajectories later in life.

Materials and Methods:  Using data on 245 women who were attending an urban hospital abortion clinic, we assessed whether women had ever experienced emotional, physical, or sexual IPV. Effectiveness of women's post-abortion contraceptive method selection was categorized into high (intrauterine device [IUD] and implant), moderate (pill, patch, ring, and shot), and low (condoms, emergency contraception, and none) effectiveness. Using multinomial logistic regression, we examined the relationship between number of types of IPV experienced and post-abortion contraceptive method effectiveness, adjusting for sociodemographics, prior abortion, having children, abortion trimester, importance of avoiding pregnancy in the next year, pre-abortion psychological distress, and effectiveness level of the contraceptive method women were planning to use before contraceptive counseling. Results:  Twenty-seven percent (27%) of women experienced two or three types of IPV, 35% experienced one IPV type, and 38% experienced no IPV. Compared to women with no histories of IPV, women who experienced two or more types of IPV during their lifetimes were more likely to choose contraceptive methods with moderate effectiveness (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.23, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.13–24.23, p = 0.035) and high effectiveness (AOR = 5.01, 95% CI: 1.12–22.39, p = 0.035) than those with low effectiveness. Conclusion:  Women who experienced two or more types of lifetime IPV selected more effective contraceptive methods post-abortion. Access to contraceptives that are not partner dependent, including long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC), may be particularly important for women who have experienced multiple types of IPV.

Materials and Methods:  Using data on 245 women who were attending an urban hospital abortion clinic, we assessed whether women had ever experienced emotional, physical, or sexual IPV. Effectiveness of women's post-abortion contraceptive method selection was categorized into high (intrauterine device [IUD] and implant), moderate (pill, patch, ring, and shot), and low (condoms, emergency contraception, and none) effectiveness. Using multinomial logistic regression, we examined the relationship between number of types of IPV experienced and post-abortion contraceptive method effectiveness, adjusting for sociodemographics, prior abortion, having children, abortion trimester, importance of avoiding pregnancy in the next year, pre-abortion psychological distress, and effectiveness level of the contraceptive method women were planning to use before contraceptive counseling. Results:  Twenty-seven percent (27%) of women experienced two or three types of IPV, 35% experienced one IPV type, and 38% experienced no IPV. Compared to women with no histories of IPV, women who experienced two or more types of IPV during their lifetimes were more likely to choose contraceptive methods with moderate effectiveness (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.23, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.13–24.23, p = 0.035) and high effectiveness (AOR = 5.01, 95% CI: 1.12–22.39, p = 0.035) than those with low effectiveness. Conclusion:  Women who experienced two or more types of lifetime IPV selected more effective contraceptive methods post-abortion. Access to contraceptives that are not partner dependent, including long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC), may be particularly important for women who have experienced multiple types of IPV.

A recent analysis from the Turnaway study focused on women who were just under the gestational limit of a clinic and received an abortion and those who had first trimester abortions to examine trends in decisional rightness and negative and positive emotions over 5 years after the abortion. Specifically, Rocca et al. (in press) analyzed these data and found that women were overwhemingly sure of their decision: 95% felt their decision was the right one at each assessment after their abortion, and the predicted probability of abortion being the right decision was 99% at 5 years afterwards. Relief was the most common emotion felt by women, and negative emotions or decision regret did not emerge over time. These results and others from studies conducted globally counter assertions by abortion opponents that women are not certain of their decisions, or that women regret or have mainly negative emotions about their abortions if not in the short run then after a long period of time. This commentary addresses not only these findings but also relevant U.S. abortion policies based on these unsubstantiated claims. Policies should not be based on the notions that women are unsure of their decision, come to regret, it or have negative emotions because there is no evidence to support these claims.