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In the past 40 years, a large number of children have been abandoned by their families or have been abducted in China. We argue that the implementation of the one-child policy has significantly increased both child abandonment and child abduction and that, furthermore, the cultural preference for sons in China has shaped unique gender-based patterns whereby a majority of the children who are abandoned are girls and a majority of the children who are abducted are boys. We provide empirical evidence for the following findings: (1) Stricter one-child policy implementation leads to more child abandonment locally and more child abduction in neighboring regions; (2) A stronger son-preference bias in a given region intensifies both the local effects and spatial spillover effects of the region's one-child policy on child abandonment and abduction; and (3) With the gradual relaxation of the one-child policy after 2002, both child abandonment and child abduction have dropped significantly. This paper is the first to provide empirical evidence on the unintended consequences of the one-child policy in terms of child trafficking in China.

This study investigates the relationship between maternal employment and state-to-state differences in childcare cost and mean school day length. Pairing state-level measures with an individual-level sample of prime working-age mothers from the American Time Use Survey (2005–2014; n = 37,993), we assess the multilevel and time-varying effects of childcare  costs  and  school  day  length  on  maternal  full-time  and  part-time  employment  and  childcare  time.  We  find  mothers’ odds of full-time employment are lower and part-time employment higher in states with expensive childcare and shorter school days. Mothers spend more time caring for children in states where childcare is more expensive and as childcare costs increase. Our results suggest that expensive childcare and short school days are important barriers to maternal employment and, for childcare costs, result in greater investments in childcare time. Politicians engaged in national debates about federal childcare policies should look to existing state childcare structures for policy guidance. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/2378023119860277

The quantitative scholarship on domestic labor has documented the existence of a gender gap in its performance in all countries for which data are available. Only recently have researchers begun to analyze economic disparities  among  women in their time spent doing housework, and their studies have been largely limited to the U.S. We extend this line of inquiry using data from two European countries, the former West Germany and Sweden. We estimate the “economic gap” in women’s housework time, which we define as the difference between the time spent by women at the lowest and highest deciles of their own earnings. We expect this gap to be smaller in Sweden given its celebrated success at reducing both gender and income inequality. Though Swedish women do spend less time on domestic labor, however, and though there is indeed less earnings inequality among them, the economic gap in their housework is only a little smaller than among women in the former West Germany. In both places, a significant negative association between women’s individual earnings and their housework time translates into economic gaps of more than 2.5 hours per week. Moreover, in both countries, women at the highest earnings decile experience a gender gap in housework that is smaller by about 4 hours per week compared to their counterparts at the lowest decile.

The authors used the 2003 to 2012 American Time Use Survey to examine marital status variation in mothers' leisure time. They found that never‐married mothers have more total leisure but less high‐quality leisure when compared with married mothers. Never‐married mothers' leisure is concentrated in passive and socially isolated activities that offer fewer social and health benefits. Black single mothers have the highest amount of socially isolated leisure, particularly watching television alone. Results suggest that differences in the context and type of leisure are salient dimensions of the divergent and stratified life conditions of married, divorced, and single mothers.

Assumptions that single mothers are “time poor” compared with married mothers are ubiquitous. We tested theorized associations derived from the time poverty thesis and the gender perspective using the 2003–2012 American Time Use Surveys (ATUS). We found marital status differentiated housework, leisure, and sleep time, but did not influence the amount of time that mothers provided childcare. Net of the number of employment hours, married mothers did more housework and slept less than never-married and divorced mothers, counter to expectations of the time poverty thesis. Never-married and cohabiting mothers reported more total and more sedentary leisure time than married mothers. We assessed the influence of demographic differences among mothers to account for variation in their time use by marital status. Compositional differences explained more than two-thirds of the variance in sedentary leisure time between married and never-married mothers, but only one-third of the variance between married and cohabiting mothers. The larger unexplained gap in leisure quality between cohabiting and married mothers is consistent with the gender perspective.

We examined the prospective role of parental support and adult identity profiles in the transition to adulthood on teen mothers’ socioeconomic outcomes in adulthood. Analyses were based on the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health, a nationally representative sample of youth followed over a decade. We used data from Waves 1, 3, and 4 (mean age = 28.6, Wave 4). Analytical sample consisted of 981 females who gave birth before age 20. Analysis included design-based regression models. Findings from adjusted regression models showed no statistically significant associations between teen mothers’ parental support and socioeconomic outcomes. While teen mothers have already achieved an important marker of adulthood, variability in adult identity profiles was observed. Teen mothers with older subjective age, regardless of their levels of psychosocial maturation, had higher socioeconomic attainment on some indicators. Findings suggest that teen mothers’ adult identity profiles differentiate their socioeconomic trajectories later in life.

This paper examines whether Medicaid adult vision coverage affects labor market activity using state-by-year changes to these benefits.We find that vision benefits increase hours worked and occupational skill requirements, but no consistent evidence of changes on the extensive employment margin. Intensive margin effects could be facilitated by decreased barriers to transportation - when a state covers vision services, beneficiaries are more likely to commute to work by car or motorcycle rather than other modes. Our study suggests that, conditional on eligibility, Medicaid can have a positive effect on labor market activity by expanding access to services that enable work. JEL codes:I13, I18, J22, H75. Link to online-before-print version

Materials and Methods:  Using data on 245 women who were attending an urban hospital abortion clinic, we assessed whether women had ever experienced emotional, physical, or sexual IPV. Effectiveness of women's post-abortion contraceptive method selection was categorized into high (intrauterine device [IUD] and implant), moderate (pill, patch, ring, and shot), and low (condoms, emergency contraception, and none) effectiveness. Using multinomial logistic regression, we examined the relationship between number of types of IPV experienced and post-abortion contraceptive method effectiveness, adjusting for sociodemographics, prior abortion, having children, abortion trimester, importance of avoiding pregnancy in the next year, pre-abortion psychological distress, and effectiveness level of the contraceptive method women were planning to use before contraceptive counseling. Results:  Twenty-seven percent (27%) of women experienced two or three types of IPV, 35% experienced one IPV type, and 38% experienced no IPV. Compared to women with no histories of IPV, women who experienced two or more types of IPV during their lifetimes were more likely to choose contraceptive methods with moderate effectiveness (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.23, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.13–24.23, p = 0.035) and high effectiveness (AOR = 5.01, 95% CI: 1.12–22.39, p = 0.035) than those with low effectiveness. Conclusion:  Women who experienced two or more types of lifetime IPV selected more effective contraceptive methods post-abortion. Access to contraceptives that are not partner dependent, including long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC), may be particularly important for women who have experienced multiple types of IPV.

Materials and Methods:  Using data on 245 women who were attending an urban hospital abortion clinic, we assessed whether women had ever experienced emotional, physical, or sexual IPV. Effectiveness of women's post-abortion contraceptive method selection was categorized into high (intrauterine device [IUD] and implant), moderate (pill, patch, ring, and shot), and low (condoms, emergency contraception, and none) effectiveness. Using multinomial logistic regression, we examined the relationship between number of types of IPV experienced and post-abortion contraceptive method effectiveness, adjusting for sociodemographics, prior abortion, having children, abortion trimester, importance of avoiding pregnancy in the next year, pre-abortion psychological distress, and effectiveness level of the contraceptive method women were planning to use before contraceptive counseling. Results:  Twenty-seven percent (27%) of women experienced two or three types of IPV, 35% experienced one IPV type, and 38% experienced no IPV. Compared to women with no histories of IPV, women who experienced two or more types of IPV during their lifetimes were more likely to choose contraceptive methods with moderate effectiveness (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 5.23, 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.13–24.23, p = 0.035) and high effectiveness (AOR = 5.01, 95% CI: 1.12–22.39, p = 0.035) than those with low effectiveness. Conclusion:  Women who experienced two or more types of lifetime IPV selected more effective contraceptive methods post-abortion. Access to contraceptives that are not partner dependent, including long-acting reversible contraceptives (LARC), may be particularly important for women who have experienced multiple types of IPV.

A recent analysis from the Turnaway study focused on women who were just under the gestational limit of a clinic and received an abortion and those who had first trimester abortions to examine trends in decisional rightness and negative and positive emotions over 5 years after the abortion. Specifically, Rocca et al. (in press) analyzed these data and found that women were overwhemingly sure of their decision: 95% felt their decision was the right one at each assessment after their abortion, and the predicted probability of abortion being the right decision was 99% at 5 years afterwards. Relief was the most common emotion felt by women, and negative emotions or decision regret did not emerge over time. These results and others from studies conducted globally counter assertions by abortion opponents that women are not certain of their decisions, or that women regret or have mainly negative emotions about their abortions if not in the short run then after a long period of time. This commentary addresses not only these findings but also relevant U.S. abortion policies based on these unsubstantiated claims. Policies should not be based on the notions that women are unsure of their decision, come to regret, it or have negative emotions because there is no evidence to support these claims.