Search results

Racial disparities in obesity among men are accompanied by positive associations between income and obesity among Black men only. Race also moderates the positive association between marital status and obesity. This study sought to determine how race, income, and marital status interact on obesity among men. Using data from the 2007 to 2014 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey, obesity was measured as body mass index ≥30 kg/m 2  among 6,145 Black and White men. Income was measured by percentage of the federal poverty line and marital status was categorized as currently, formerly, or never married. Using logistic regression and interaction terms, the associations between income and obesity were assessed by race and marital status categories adjusted for covariates. Black compared to White (OR = 1.19, 95% CI [1.03, 1.38]), currently married compared to never married (OR = 1.45, 95% CI [1.24, 1.69]), and high-income men compared to low income men (OR = 1.26, 95% CI [1.06, 1.50]) had higher odds of obesity. A three-way interaction was significant and analyses identified that income was positively associated with obesity among currently married Black men and never married White men with the highest and lowest probabilities of obesity, respectively. High-income, currently married Black men had higher obesity rates and may be at increased risk for obesity-related morbidities.

Assumptions that single mothers are “time poor” compared with married mothers are ubiquitous. We tested theorized associations derived from the time poverty thesis and the gender perspective using the 2003–2012 American Time Use Surveys (ATUS). We found marital status differentiated housework, leisure, and sleep time, but did not influence the amount of time that mothers provided childcare. Net of the number of employment hours, married mothers did more housework and slept less than never-married and divorced mothers, counter to expectations of the time poverty thesis. Never-married and cohabiting mothers reported more total and more sedentary leisure time than married mothers. We assessed the influence of demographic differences among mothers to account for variation in their time use by marital status. Compositional differences explained more than two-thirds of the variance in sedentary leisure time between married and never-married mothers, but only one-third of the variance between married and cohabiting mothers. The larger unexplained gap in leisure quality between cohabiting and married mothers is consistent with the gender perspective.